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aventinus nova Nr. 31 [29.05.2011] 

Florian Ruhs  

Foreign Workers in the Second World War 

The Ordeal of Slovenians in Germany [1]

1. Introduction 


In the name of the German people I ask for your forgiveness in remembrance of all that had to suffer on enslaved and forced labor under the rule of Germany. We will not forget your suffering.

With these words in 1999 the former German President Johannes Rau tried to apologize for more than 50 years of silence. [2]

If people talk about victims of the Second World War (WWII), they often first mention the millions of expelled or killed Jewish people who were part of the populations of countries such as Poland, the Czech Republic, and of course Germany itself. But national socialist Germany persecuted many others as well, using them for forced labor or assigning them to death camps. To some extent, the knowledge of these victims is sliding into obscurity. To run the war machine for the lunatic plans of Adolf Hitler, a huge labor force was required. Therefore it was necessary and expedient to recruit people from occupied countries to work in Germany. Those people were deported from their home countries, especially from Eastern Europe. A small country whose people experienced a high number of these deportations was Slovenia.

The people who survived the horrible ordeal have an interest in commemorating these dark years. In order to look into what they went through, my major research question is as follows: To what extent have Slovenians suffered because they were deported to Germany as foreign workers (Fremdarbeiter) during (and after) the Second World War? First of all, I want to provide a short historical explanation for why Fremdarbeiter were needed in national socialist Germany. I will give some general numbers to illustrate the extent of their use. I will refer to the fates of individuals to indicate the degree of suffering these foreign workers endured in Germany; these are based on personal interviews from 2006. Afterwards, I will try to show how they were victimized after the war.

2. Scope of the Issue 

2.1 Economic Situation in Germany During WWII 

Before the war Germany had a prospering economy. The nature of this prosperity made it quite obvious that Germany was planning for war. The arms industry was able to increase the volume of industrial production until April 1939 to 137.7 percent of its capacity from several years ago. [3] The German laborers were either recruited to work for the arms industry or drafted into the army. [4] Therefore there was a lack of workers in agriculture. To solve this problem, in spring 1939 Germany began recruiting laborers from the annexed territories Bohemia and Moravia. Before the start of the war, about 500,000 foreign laborers had been working in Germany. [5]

After the beginning of the war, Germany had a shortfall of about one million workers given its industrial and agricultural production goals. [6] The government tried to fill the gaps and put women to work without success. Because of the failed attempts to improve the situation of labor shortages, Germany successfully put 300,000 prisoners successfully to work directly after the victory against Poland. At the end of 1940, about 1.2 million workers from France, Great Britain, and the Netherlands were recruited. In autumn 1944 approximately 5.9 million Fremdarbeiter worked for the German economy. [7] About 44 percent of the workers in agriculture were foreign workers as well. Without their assistance, the German economy would have collapsed. [8]

2.2 The Slovenian Situation 

In 1941 Slovenia was occupied. [9] Adolf Hitler planned “to re-Germanize the country”. [10] He wanted large-scale resettlement of Germans in the territory of Slovenia. [11] To accomplish this, the Slovenians either had to be resettled in Germany or expelled. About 63,000 Slovenians were expelled; approximately 45,000 of them were brought to German camps to work for industry or in the agricultural sector. [12] After WWII, the displaced people who survived were brought back to Slovenia, a process that was organized by the occupying powers (the United States, Britain, France, and the Soviet Union). [13]

3. The Crimes – Primary Victimization 

Primary victimization refers to the direct impact of the crime on the victims. [14] Several steps were taken to answer the most important questions: namely, who were the victims, and what were the crimes. Slovenian victimization is characterized by the build-up of many different threats from the Germans, and the growth in the intensity of these threats to human life. In the beginning, there was the occupation of Slovenia; it was followed by deportations and ended with many displaced people living in Germany.

3.1 Occupation of Slovenia


I was renamed Johanna.
[15]

One of the first steps to fulfill the plan to “re-Germanize” Slovenia was an absolute prohibition of the Slovenian language. Furthermore, the national socialists (Nazis) banned every Slovenian word from the public sphere. Square and street names and other signs, stores, and even cities were renamed. Some Slovenians had to change their names into common German ones. The Nazis plundered libraries and burned Slovenian books. They founded German schools and commanded that everybody had to learn German within four months. [16] The Germans also confiscated property of the Catholic Church and expelled priests and nuns. [17]

In the beginning the Nazis tried to recruit Slovenians for voluntary work in Germany. But just a few decided to go, so little by little they were ordered to go. The food of people who rejected the orders of the soldiers was rationed. So, the choice was either to die of hunger or to be displaced by the Nazis. [18] At a later date, even this choice no longer existed; leaving was compulsory.

3.2 The Way to Germany 


On the 3rd of November in 1941, units of the Waffen-SS surrounded our house. We had ten minutes to pack the things necessary to survive. The whole family was penned in a small lorry and was brought to the camp at the castle Rajhenburg near Krško. After two days living in cattle sheds, we were brought with trains to several camps in Germany.
[19]

By the autumn of 1941, any choice the Slovenians had was taken away. [20] The armed forces of the Nazis recruited people with brutal force, abducting people from their homes and sometimes even in the street. [21] However, they had to leave almost all their goods and the animals they raised. The property of the deported Slovenians was sequestered in order to support the Germans already living in the occupied territories. [22]

The Nazis deported whole familiessometimes, three or four generations and up to 20 people were displaced. In other cases, families were separated in the process of being brought to Germany. Many people lost their family members during the journey to Nazi Germany. [23] From here forward, Slovenia was not an occupied country anymore; the Slovenians rather were displaced people without a home, with changed names and destroyed identities.

3.3 The Suffering in Germany 

3.3.1 Legal Status 


In the terms of the Nazis we were an inferior race. Our treatment was mortifying; we were ridiculed as Bolsheviks.
[24]

The system of Nazi Germany was characterized by the strict and precise categorization of everything. Accordingly, the deported Fremdarbeiter were divided into different categories. Basically, the Nazis distinguished between four huge groups: Germanic nations, Non-Germanic nations, Non-Germanic nations under the occupation of Germany, and the workers from Eastern Europe (Ostarbeiter). According to the racial doctrine of the Nazis, the Ostarbeiter were at the lowest level of the hierarchy. Therefore, Slavic people were considered of inferior value, and without intellect, creativity, morality, and respectability. [25]

The Slovenians fell under the category of Ostarbeiter. When they arrived in Germany, the Nazis divided them again into persons who were “able to be germanized“ (Eindeutschungsfähige) and people who were “not able to be germanized“ (Nicht-eindeutschungsfähige). Eindeutschungsfähige could work in German industry or agriculture, with the idea that they would become familiar with life in the Third Reich. [26] The others would be resettled in other Eastern European territories. [27]

Most of the Slovenians were supposed to stay in Germany. Pinning patches on their clothes were used to denote (and stigmatize) Slovenians and other foreign workers according to their origin. The word Ost (East) would be stitched into the patch, so everyone could see the race they belonged to. [28] The legal status of the Fremdarbeiter was the basis for the treatment in Germany.

3.3.2 Living Conditions 


Our living circumstances were horrible. My seven-member family lived together in a quite small chamber with bunk beds. The room was full of vermin and the hygienic conditions were horrible as well. I just wore old clothes from adults and clogs on my feet. That was terrible, especially in the wintertime. There was a lack of everything (food, clothes, medicine…).
[29]

The Fremdarbeiter had to live in shanties together, in confined spaces under inhuman circumstances. They did not have enough clothes, and any new clothes they received came from people who were killed in concentration camps. [30] The Slovenians also had almost nothing to eat. Medical evidence confirmed that many of the Fremdarbeiter suffered symptoms of nutrient deficiency from a lack of food. [31] If women got pregnant, they were treated like animals, in accordance with a Nazi proclamation:

In particular, the female Ostarbeiter are used to working until just before childbirth. Moreover, this process is even easier for them than for German women. Immediately after childbirth, they are able to continue working without any health problems. [32]

This shows that pregnancy was not an excuse for work absenteeism. Maternity protection did not exist. This incredible treatment was not only because each worker was necessary, but also because of the Nazi racial doctrines. [33]

3.3.3 Working Conditions 


We lived as slaves. I had to work an assembly line. It was cold, dirty and not easy for me to work there, because I was young and really small. That is why I made a lot of mistakes and got punished for it.
[34]

The workplace conditions for Slovenians in Nazi Germany were very hazardous. The laborer often worked without any protections, which was very dangerous, especially in the chemical industry. The working hours each day were from 6 am till 6 pm at the minimum, seven days a week. The longer the war went on, the longer the working hours became. [35] Furthermore, the Nazis did not apply any special treatment for old people or children. [36] In agriculture, the circumstances differed and depended on the farmer.

The Fremdarbeiter received some wages from their work, and had to buy their food and pay for “accommodations” from the money. Still, this money was not enough to have a sufficient standard of living. [37] The combination of food shortages and overwork killed many workers. [38]

3.4 Returning to Slovenia After the War

Finally, after the end of the war, there was a need to bring the Fremdarbeiter back to Slovenia. This was the final painful journey:

We were brought back to Slovenia with trains across Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and the former Yugoslavia. Beforehand, we got something to eat from the Americans. The whole way back – organized by the Russians – we got just one time something to eat. The Red Cross offered us a cup of tea and a small piece of bread in Prague. Fortunately, the apricots in Hungary were ripe to harvest and some potatoes were still in the fields. Otherwise, I would not be here anymore. But a lot of others did not have the same luck as I had and died on the way back to our native Slovenia. [39]

Immediately after the war, the health situation of the displaced people was really bad. The Allied powers attempted to ensure medical care and a minimum level of hygiene for the victims; after this first aid, they were brought back to Slovenia. [40]

3.5 Consequences for the Victims 


The wounds are cured, but there are big and deformed scars left.
[41]

For most Slovenians who lived through WWII, this time was the most horrible time of their lives. The magnitude of their suffering was extraordinary. Their suffering started early, in April 1941 with the occupation of Slovenia. Physical damage occurred through the systematic destruction of Slovenian culture and identity. For a small country like Slovenia, which was characterized by religious traditions and national consciousness, burning their books and expelling clerics was like a slap in the face. These measures on the part of Nazi Germany were primarily aimed at psychologically abusing the Slovenians, and on showing them what a defeated race they were. [42] The occupation of Slovenia directly concerned the entire Slovenian population; everyone was victimized. The effects at this early stage were predominantly psychological.

The psychological and physical suffering increased in autumn 1941. Families were separated and destroyed. In Germany, the suffering of the Slovenians climaxed. The Nazis enslaved them and used them to boost the economy, using them until they were near death from starvation and exhaustion and treating them like animals. Needless to say, after the war the Slovenians wanted to go back home. However, a huge amount of suffering was part of this repatriation. The Slovenians had nothing waiting for them at home: no property, no accommodations. Some people were left financially destitute. [43]

Displaced persons reacted very sensitively to any kind of sorting or organization after the war, as the Nazis’ conduct during the war led them to equate that to the methods of their former tormentors. [44] A lot of former Fremdarbeiter are not willing to visit Germany as well because of their bad experiences. The incredible horror they survived might still be present for them; they may also still be experiencing the physical and psychological aftereffects of the occupation and displacement. 

Some impressive memories remain. One of the Slovenians told of the sound of the cars that brought them their food. She would never forget the clanging sound of the metallic teapots and their effects; they remind her that this was the sound that accompanied the food cars. [45] Her sister just remembered that they had to whistle all of the time they were picking apples from the apple trees, to ensure that they were not eating the fruit. [46] These small, yet impressive stories show that the suffering never completely ends.

3.6 Tertiary Victimization 

In considering whether tertiary victimization occurred, it appears to this researcher that all Slovenians could be considered primary victims of Nazi Germany. Usually, children could be classified as tertiary victims of their parents' suffering. But the Nazi regime did not discriminate according to age; children were put to work and primarily victimized as well. Only babies and infants were excluded from the duty to work.

In the case of the elderly (dying parents, grandparents), they also were primary victims. They often could not get to school anymore and therefore never learned to write. [47] You can still see the pain in the eyes of the Slovenians today when they talk of their family members who died during WWII. [48]

4. The Phase of Silence – Secondary Victimization 

4.1 What Happened After the War?

The way others responded to the victimization of Slovenians after WWII also comes into question. Did a secondary victimization occur?

4.2 Situation in Eastern Europe 

Immediately after the war, those Slovenians who survived their ordeal were happy that they had, and tried to continue the lives they had before and forget what happened. After WWII, the whole world was characterized by a new structure. The Soviet Union wanted to create (and save) influence in Central Europe and ignored the problems in its own territory, and in neighboring territories such as Slovenia. [49]

The Soviet authorities did not acknowledge the Slovenians as victims of the war. The work of foreign laborers was classified as a type of “side effect” often associated with wars. The fact that the Slovenians were forced to work was not taken into account. [50] Furthermore, some former foreign laborers were claimed to be collaborators and were condemned to hard labor in the army. [51] The process of coming to terms with the past did not happen until the independence of Slovenia in 1991. [52] This ignorance about obvious victims of war, however, was not solely limited to Eastern European countries.

4.3 International Context 

Internationally, the grievances of Slovenians were also not recognized. One way to acknowledge that Slovenians were victims of the WWII would have been to provide compensation for their suffering. Other victims of the war (e.g. Jewish) received redress a few years after the founding of the Federal Republic of Germany, and were officially acknowledged as victims. [53] However, with the Slovenians the contrary is the case. At the peace conference in London in 1953, the topic of compensation for forced labor was adjourned (i.e., effectively delayed) indefinitely in the absence of a peace treaty, and no concrete promises were made. [54]

The discussion concerning compensation for the victims of forced labor policies increased during the 1960s and 1970s as victims received compensation from Western Germany according to the Bundesentschädigungsgesetz [55]. But the citizens of Eastern Europe, including Slovenians, did not see any money because of the Cold War. It was expected that the signing of the Two Plus Four Agreement (1990) could be the peace treaty initially needed in 1953. But former German politicians interpreted this assignment not as a peace treaty per se, but rather as a peace settlement. [56] As a “peace settlement”, it was not sufficient to stand in as the needed treaty. Some cynical, malicious speculation has it that some German politicians were scared about the extent of possible financial compensation and thought Germany could not pay for it. [57] Cumulatively, all of the aforementioned factors could be said to constitute secondary victimization.

With the foundation of the Republic of Slovenia in 1991, Slovenians now can use legal measured to receive acknowledgment of their victimization. In 2000, Germany decided to build a compensation fund in the amount of DEM 10.1 billion (Euro 5.16 billion) under the direction of the foundation “Erinnerung, Verantwortung und Zukunft”. [58] Most Slovenians were classified as deported people and victims of the Nazi regime. Therefore, they received a symbolic amount of DEM 5000 (Euro 2500). [59] About 50 years after the end of the war, this served as a kind of symbolic end to the suffering; the Slovenians are not victimized any more.  

5. Conclusion – Keep the Memory Alive

During the Third Reich, the Fremdarbeiter suffered in many ways. At the hands of the Nazis, they endured growing threats and violations of their human rights. Germany seized their territory, erased their national identity, and deported them. In Germany, they worked under incredibly horrific conditions, and were utilized as an inferior race.

Many Slovenians lost family members as well as good friends. Even if they were merely hurt, not killed, they were psychological victims. The children of the direct victims also suffered, usually directly as the Nazis put children to work under the same circumstances as their parents. They lost their significant others and still suffer from the consequences. However, no one acknowledged the Slovenians as victims of the war at the end of WWII. The Soviets sometimes blamed them for collaborating with the Germans, and sent them into the Stalinist labor camps; they saw forced laborers as a side effect of the war, and the suffering was of no interest to them.  

The Soviets were not the only ones to refuse to acknowledge the Slovenians’ suffering. The international community and Germany itself did not really try to compensate Slovenians, or acknowledge their status. Finally, as a result of the longstanding power of the Slovenians, they received symbolic redress 50 years after the end of the war. This compensation is not supposed to recover all losses and injustices (in particular, the sequestered property is not included). But it at least symbolically assured that the ordeal of the Slovenian people does not fall into obscurity; these steps were taken with the intention to keep the memory alive.

In June 2011 there will be a commemoration in Brestanica (Slovenia) marking the 70th anniversary of the exile of Slovenians.

Anmerkungen

  • [1]

     The author studies law at Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München (Germany) and is founding member of the society Zwangsarbeiterschicksale in Rudolstadt e.V. This paper is the final result of research for the Victimology course at Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam (Netherlands) in June 2010 and is partially based on a former research paper, which was created together with Matthias Hofmann and Christian Weidmann. The author would particularly like to thank Joris van Wijk, Ph.D. for his helpful inspirations.

  • [2]

     Speech at the end of the conference about the compensation of former foreign workers on December 17th  1999, http://www.bundespraesident.de/Die-deutschen-Bundespraesident/Johannes-Rau-,11069/Zitate.htm (29.05.2011).

  • [3]

     Hans Mommsen / Manfred Grieger: Das Volkswagenwerk und seine Arbeiter im Dritten Reich. Düsseldorf 1996, S. 315.

  • [4]

     Hans Pfahlmann: Fremdarbeiter und Kriegsgefangene in der deutschen Kriegswirtschaft 1939-1945 (=Beiträge zur Wehrforschung 16/17). Darmstadt 1968 (=Phil. Diss. Würzburg 1964), S. 13.

  • [5]

     Ebd., S. 12.

  • [6]

     [Norbert Moczarski / Bernhard Post / Katrin Weiß]: Einleitung, in: Dies. (Hrsg.): Zwangsarbeit in Thüringen 1940-1945 (=Quellen zur Geschichte Thüringens). Erfurt 2002, S. 17-26, hier S. 19.

  • [7]

     Ulrich Herbert: Geschichte der Ausländerpolitik in Deutschland. Saisonarbeiter, Zwangsarbeiter, Gastarbeiter, Flüchtlinge. München 2001, S. 143.

  • [8]

     Richard Sautmann: "Fremdarbeiter", NS-Ideologie und Rassismus. Osteuropäische Zwangsarbeiter in der Landwirtschaft 1939-1945, http://www.suite101.de/content/fremdarbeiter-nsideologie-und-rassismus-a66829 (29.05.2011).

  • [9]

     John Corsellis / Markus Ferrar: Slovenia 1945. Memories of Death and Survival after World War II. London 2005, S. 246.

  • [10]

     Speech held in Maribor (Slovenia), April 1941. Cf. the corresponding conference in November 2009: „Machen Sie mir dieses Land wieder deutsch“. Nationalsozialistische Germanisierungspolitik und ihre Folgen. Das Beispiel Slowenien, http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/termine/id=12246 (29.05.2011).

  • [11]

     Tone Ferenc: Društvo izgnancev Slovenije 1941-1945. Ljubljana 2005, S. 8.

  • [12]

     Ebd., S. 4.

  • [13]

     Corsellis / Ferrar: Slovenia, S. 87.

  • [14]

     James Dignan: Understanding Victims and Restorative Justice. Berkshire 2005, S. 23.

  • [15]

     Interview: Ivica Žnidaršič, Ljubljana 6th July 2006.

  • [16]

     Ivica Žnidaršič: Die slowenischen Vertriebenen 1941-1945. [Unpubl. Paper 2006], S. 1-3.

  • [17]

    Monika Kokalj Kočevar: Mutter, sind die Äpfel schon reif? Slowenische Zwangs- und Sklavenarbeiter im Zweiten Weltkrieg, in: Alexander v. Plato / Almut Leh / Christoph Thonfeld (Hrsg.): Hitlers Sklaven. Lebensgeschichtliche Analysen zur Zwangsarbeit im internationalen Vergleich. Wien u.a. 2008, S. 125-136, hier S. 125. 

  • [18]

    Pfahlmann: Fremdarbeiter, S. 21. 

  • [19]

    Interview: Stanislav Grabnar, Ljubljana 6th July 2006.

  • [20]

    Hilde Kammer / Elisabeth Bartsch: Lexikon Nationalsozialismus. Begriffe, Organisationen und Institutionen. Reinbek 1999, S. 82. 

  • [21]

    Sautmann: "Fremdarbeiter". 

  • [22]

    Žnidaršič: Vertriebene, S. 1. 

  • [23]

    Kočevar: Zwangs- und Sklavenarbeiter, S. 128. 

  • [24]

     Interview: Ladislav Štojs, Ljubljana 5th September 2006.

  • [25]

     [Norbert Moczarski / Bernhard Post / Katrin Weiß]: Einleitung, in: Dies. (Hrsg.): Zwangsarbeit in Thüringen 1940-1945 (=Quellen zur Geschichte Thüringens). Erfurt 2002, S. 17-26, hier S. 19.

  • [26]

     Tone Ferenc: „Absiedler“. Slowenen zwischen „Eindeutschung“ und Ausländereinsatz, in: Ulrich Herbert (Hg.): Europa und der „Reichseinsatz“. Ausländische Zivilarbeiter, Kriegsgefangene und KZ-Häftlinge in Deutschland 1938-1945. Essen 1991, S. 200-209, hier S. 203.

  • [27]

     Tone Ferenc: Društvo izgnancev Slovenije 1941-1945. Ljubljana 2005, S. 28.

  • [28]

     According to a circular letter from the Gestapo (Secret State Police). Joachim Rotberg / Barbara Wieland: Zwangsarbeiter und Kriegsgefangene in katholischen Einrichtungen im Bereich der Diözese Limburg. Ein Werkstattbericht, in: Limburger Texte 25 (Okt. 2001), S. [17].

  • [29]

     Interview: Rajko Kranjc, Ljubljana 6th July 2006.

  • [30]

     Kočevar: Zwangs- und Sklavenarbeiter, S. 132.

  • [31]

     Wolfgang Jacobmeyer: Vom Zwangsarbeiter zum Heimatlosen Ausländer. Göttingen 1985, S. 43.

  • [32]

     Peter Ruggenthaler: Zwangsarbeit in Mayrhofen im Zillertal, in: Stefan Karner / Peter Ruggenthaler (Hrsg.): Zwangsarbeit in der Land- und Forstwirtschaft auf dem Gebiet Österreichs 1939 bis 1945 (=Veröffentlichungen der Österreichischen Historikerkommission Bd. 26/2). Wien u.a. 2002, S. 420ff., hier S. 440 f.

  • [33]

     Ebd.

  • [34]

     Interview: Zdenka Kaplan, Ljubljana 6th July 2006.

  • [35]

     Erich Hauke / Hans Mehlhorn: Dunkle Vergangenheit – Helle Gegenwart, Rudolstadt 1963,  S. 61.

  • [36]

     Interview: Zdenka Kaplan, Ljubljana 6th July 2006.

  • [37]

     Erich Hauke / Hans Mehlhorn: Dunkle Vergangenheit – Helle Gegenwart, Rudolstadt 1963,  S. 58

  • [38]

     Pfahlmann: Fremdarbeiter, S.  21.

  • [39]

     Interview: Stanislav Grabnar, Ljubljana 6th July 2006.

  • [40]

     Jacobmeyer: Zwangsarbeiter, S. 43.

  • [41]

     Interview: Zdenka Kaplan, Ljubljana 6th July 2006.

  • [42]

     Žnidaršič: Die slowenischen Vertriebenen, S. 1-3.

  • [43]

     Ebd., S. 2.

  • [44]

     Jacobmeyer: Zwangsarbeiter, S. 50.

  • [45]

     Interview: Zdenka Kaplan, Ljubljana 6th July 2006.

  • [46]

     Interview: Ivica Žnidaršič, ebd. 6th July 2006.

  • [47]

     Interview: Zdenka Kaplan, ebd. 6th July 2006.

  • [48]

     The sisters Zdenka Kaplan and Ivica Žnidaršič lost their father and brother in Germany.

  • [49]

     Herbert: Geschichte, S. 182.

  • [50]

     [Alexander v. Plato / Almut Leh / Christoph Thonfeld]: Einleitung, in: Dies. (Hrsg.): Hitlers Sklaven. Lebensgeschichtliche Analysen zur Zwangsarbeit im internationalen Vergleich. Wien u.a. 2008, S. 9ff., hier S. 15.

  • [51]

     According to Berliner Geschichtswerkstatt e.V.: Sowjetische Kriegsgefangene. Geschichte, Spenden, Forschung, http://www.berliner-geschichtswerkstatt.de/zwangsarbeit/kriegsgefangene.htm (29.05.2011)

  • [52]

     Herbert: Geschichte, S. 183.

  • [53]

     Bundesministerium der Finanzen (BMF): Entschädigung von NS-Unrecht – Regelungen zur Wiedergutmachung. Berlin 2009, S. 19.

  • [54]

     [Plato / Leh / Thonfeld]: Einleitung, S. 15.

  • [55]

     Federal compensation law of Western Germany.

  • [56]

     Georg Ress: Die abschließende Regelung in Bezug auf Deutschland. Garantiefunktion der Vier Mächte, in: Ulrich Beyerlin (Hrsg.): Recht zwischen Umbruch und Bewahrung. Berlin u.a. 1995, S. 825ff., hier S. 829.

  • [57]

     This is the conclusion of the happenings of the AG „gegen rechts“ Oranienburg, http://www.jugendgeschichtswerkstatt.de/fehrbellin/zwangsarbeit.html (29.05.2011).

  • [58]

     BMF: Entschädigung, S. 19.

  • [59]

     Žnidaršič: Die slowenischen Vertriebenen, S. 2.

Empfohlene Zitierweise

Ruhs, Florian: Foreign Workers in the Second World War. The Ordeal of Slovenians in Germany. aventinus nova Nr. 31 [29.05.2011], in: aventinus, URL: http://www.aventinus-online.de/no_cache/persistent/artikel/8599/

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Erstellt: 28.05.2011

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